Uh Oh — Another Citi Crony Capitalist at Treasury

Last December we wrote that Citigroup is “the defective product of chronic crony capitalism and merger mania. I agree with Sandy Weill, who recommended splitting commercial and investment banking. The next Republican presidential candidate should propose breaking up this too-big-to-fail bank long coddled by Democrats. The financial system, as well as Citi shareholders and employees, would benefit.”

Citi, Rhymes with . . .

Citi has a long, dreary history of being too close to Washington and on the wrong side of every major financial crisis, from the 1920s stock market crash to the financial collapse of Less Developed Countries in the 1980s, the real estate debacle of 1990-91, the tech bubble of the late ‘90s and the 2008 financial crisis.  After leaving the Clinton Administration Bob Rubin earned $126 million at Citi for – for what?  In her book Bull by the Horns FDIC head Sheila Bair enumerated the egregious errors and excesses that Rubin did nothing to correct.

“It had major losses driven by their exposure to a virtual hit list of high-risk lending: subprime mortgages, ‘Alt-A’ mortgages, ‘designer’ credit cards, leveraged loans, and poorly underwritten commercial real estate. It had loaded up on exotic CDOs and auction-rate securities. It was taking losses on credit default swaps entered into with weak counterparties, and it had relied on unstable, volatile funding…If you wanted to make a definitive list of all the bad practices that had led to the crisis, all you had to do was look at Citi’s financial strategies.”

It’s Not Just the Sleaze, It’s the …..

But isn’t Citi finally reforming under new management, now that Vikram Pandit has gone?  I don’t think so.  The crony capitalism continues.  Consider Jack Lew, another Citibanker headed to Treasury.  He spent most of his career in staff jobs in D.C., then a stint as a functionary at NYU, then as a senior executive at Citi from 2006 to 2008, and then back to Washington.  We need not dwell on the serial sleaze well documented by The Wall Street Journal –the sky high salary at NYU; the $1.4 million loan from NYU that was subsequently forgiven; the cozy student lending arrangement between NYU and Lew’s future employer, Citigroup; or the weird severance payment that Lew received from Citi for voluntarily leaving the firm, provided he worked for Uncle Sam.  As Treasury Secretary, Jack Lew will be well placed to do favors for his past (and perhaps future) employer— much as his patron Bob Rubin was.

The biggest problem with Lew’s revolving door career is not the sleaze.  It’s the incompetence.  Years of budgeteering in Washington and at NYU definitely did not qualify Lew to hold a senior position in Citigroup’s Alternative Investments unit when hedge funds were melting down.  And three years in an obscure staff job at Citi most definitely does not qualify him to be Secretary of the Treasury. Lew has very little hands-on experience dealing with securities markets, foreign exchange markets, financial regulation, corporate boards of directors, or foreign financial regulators.  If the there is  a Euro implosion, a cyber attack on U.S. banks, a stock market crash, or a run on the Treasury market, Lew won’t know what to do.

No Room for On-the-job Training

Anyone who reads the history of the 2008 financial crisis comes away saying “Thank goodness the Treasury Secretary was Hank Paulson, not either of his predecessors, Paul O’Neil or John Snow.”  Those gentlemen were competent CEO’s of large firms, but they had neither the intimate knowledge of financial markets nor the stamina and deal-making experience to survive grueling weeks of crisis management and negotiation involving bankers, investors, Wall Street bankers, Central Bankers, corporate boards, Congressmen and foreign regulators.  But at least O’Neill and Snow had been CEOs of major companies.  Jack Lew’s only business experience is three years as a corporate bureaucrat.

Copyright Thomas Doerflinger 2013.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

The Pundit and the Plutocrat

A public exchange between a billionaire and a financial journalist nicely conveys the corrosive economic effects of Obama’s policies. In November 2011 hedge fund impresario Leon Cooperman wrote Obama an open letter criticizing the “divisive, polarizing tone of your rhetoric” and implying at various points that the President was guilty of “desperate demagoguery” and a “naked political pander to some of the basest human emotions.” At a time of economic stress and high unemployment, he argued, it was irresponsible to create a gulf between the “downtrodden and those best positioned to help them.”

Cooperman is a busy man, and this was not an easy letter to compose; it took courage to do so when the media was demonizing the infamous 1%.  One journalist who took him to task was Reuters reporter Chrystia Freeland, who has liberal leanings but, unlike most of her peers, considerable expertise on the topic of wealthy entrepreneurs.  Her book Plutocrats offers smart insights about the billionaires who are driving the global economy and reshaping social mores in the process.  Unfortunately her New Yorker article, “Super-Rich Irony: Why Do Billionaires Feel Victimized by Obama?” is light on rigorous analysis but long on unflattering insinuation, which boils down to five main points:

  • Plutocrats don’t have much to complain about, because Obama supported TARP and didn’t nationalize the banks. Plus, the stock market is up.
  • Plutocrats should shut up because “the shifting tides of the global economy have rewarded the richest while squeezing the middle class.”  This tortured circumlocution calls to mind a mysterious “tide” dumping billions of dollars in billionaires’ bank accounts, much as Hurricane Sandy dumped sand on New Jersey boardwalks.  A simple transitive sentence would get closer to reality – something like “Plutocrats build successful businesses that produce useful goods and services, pay lots of taxes, and create millions of jobs.”
  • Cooperman feels “entitled” and therefore shares a “sense of victimization prevalent among so many of America’s rich people” – perhaps, she implies, because he leads a glamorous life, taking phone calls from solicitous CEO’s and jetting around the country in private planes. She leaves out the crushing pressure on fund managers to put up good performance numbers or lose clients.
  • Cooperman and his rich buddies don’t think of themselves as a “leisured hereditary gentry” because they built businesses by working hard.  Freeland does not contest this truism but implies, implausibly, that Cooperman got lucky by making “fortunate choices.”
  • Cooperman says he’s willing to pay more taxes but admits to minimizing his tax bill.  It sounds greedy and unpatriotic, but Freeland forgets that the top 1% pay 37% of income tax and the bottom 50% less than 3%. Cooperman pays much, much more to Uncle Sam than he would have if he had retired to Boca Raton or become a visiting professor at a university.

Ultimately Freeland’s critique of Cooperman is about style not substance. Yes, rich Wall Streeters are offended by Obama’s juvenile attacks, but they are also coldly analytical, ceaselessly surveying the economic landscape to determine what could go right and wrong.  Cooperman correctly assessed the deleterious impact of Obama’s divisive policies, which have produced a pathetic economic recovery.  Unemployment and poverty would be much lower today if, instead of belittling “millionaires and billionaires,” Obama had constructively worked with Republicans in such areas as entitlement reform, tax reform, immigration, and rebuilding infrastructure.  Just letting companies repatriate the capital stranded offshore would be a huge economic stimulus that would cost the Treasury nothing. But for Obama political ideology trumps sound economic policy.

Tom Agrees with Leon

One person who agrees with Cooperman is none other than New York Times pundit Tom Friedman.  His Sunday column argues the U.S. economy is poised for takeoff – or would be if a “grand bargain” in Washington alleviated policy uncertainty over debt and taxes. Tom writes:

Barack Obama is president…..he owes it to himself and to the country to go make one good shot at a Grand Bargain on spending, investment and tax reform before he opts for a strategy of trying to pummel the Republicans, hope that he can win the House for the Democrats in 2014 and then push through his second-term agenda unencumbered.

Friedman correctly points out that the “austerity” debate that transfixes Keynesians is a canard, because spending restraint should focus on entitlements, which would cut future deficits without constraining current demand. He notes how absurd it is for Obama to push a rinky dink plan for a “National Network for Manufacturing Innovation,” while Apple has $137 billion stranded offshore because of our antiquated tax laws, which Obama has done nothing to fix.

Copyright 2013 Thomas Doerflinger.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Obamacare: What Wall Street Economists Can Learn from Senator Rubio

In his State of the Union’s response, Senator Marco Rubio said:

For example, Obamacare was supposed to help middle class Americans afford health insurance. But now, some people are losing the health insurance they were happy with. And because Obamacare created expensive requirements for companies with more than 50 employees, now many of these businesses aren’t hiring. Not only that; they’re being forced to lay people off and switch from full-time employees to part-time workers.

Senator Rubio is way ahead of Wall Street, which is still ignoring Obamacare.

On the most recent “Payroll Friday” Bloomberg’s Tom Keene interviewed the Smartest Economist on Wall Street, justly renowned for his mastery of the myriad methodological mysteries of the payroll survey and the household survey.  He noted, more or less in passing, that “Next year Obamacare kicks in.”  WRONG.  Obamacare matters NOW because whether or not businesses have to pay fines in 2014 for failing to provide adequate health insurance depends on their average number of “full-time employees” THIS YEAR.  So if I have 45 employees but am thinking of expanding, my lawyer will caution me that if I go “over the limit” of 50 full-time employees I could get socked with a big fine.  One solution is not to hire new workers; another is to cut the hours of some current workers so they work less than 30 hours and don’t count as full-time employees. So Obamacare will discourage hiring this year.

How to Save $5,000 per Employee

It’s messy, complicated, and expensive, partly because the new law mandates a “gold plated package” costing much more than what employers are offering now, particularly in low-wage service industries.  Listen to Whole Foods Markets CEO Tom Mackay talking to CNBC: “Say we’re paying $3,200 a year for insurance for somebody, and the new regulations cost us $5,000 to insure somebody. If they work fewer hours, we just saved $5,000 per person.”

A New “Structural Factor”

Since payroll employment is arguably the single most important macro number reported each month, and Fed policy partly hinges on unemployment, one would expect Wall Street economists to be “all over” Obamacare.  They’re not.  Today Tom Keene interviewed another Smartest Economist on Wall Street, who went over his team’s Major New Report on the “cyclical” and “structural” forces impeding employment growth.  The “structural” discussion was all about demography and aging boomers staying out of the labor force and forcing down the participation rate.  That’s fine, but what about a massive new law that makes it more costly and complicated to hire?  Is that also a “structural” factor worth considering?  Apparently not; there was NO mention of Obamacare.

Learning from Europe

What makes this particularly weird is that a standard  element of the macro debate in Europe is “increasing the competitiveness” of countries like Spain and Italy and France, which basically means undoing laws resembling Obamacare that punish companies for hiring more workers (because the more workers you employ, the tougher the regulation you face).

Bringing New Meaning to  the Term “Fine Print”

The political genius of Obamacare (so far) is that it is so complicated and convoluted and technical and boring that no one pays attention unless they have to.  Now employers have to.  I won’t try to describe the intricate rules in the notorious “employer mandate”  – that’s way above my pay grade – but to give you a taste of the risks employers face, consider two hypothetical examples from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s highly informative study “Critical Employer Issues in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.”

 

Example 1:  Betty’s Wire Co. pays a $140,000 fine

In 2014, Betty’s Wire Manufacturing fails to offer minimum essential coverage to its 100 full-time employees, 10 of whom receive a tax credit for the year for enrolling in a state exchange-offered plan.

RESULT:  For each employee over the 30-employee threshold, the company owes $2,000, for a total penalty of $140,000 ($2,000 multiplied by 70 (100 – 30)).

 

Example 2:  John’s Construction pays a $60,000 fine.

In 2014, John’s Construction Company offers coverage and has 100 full-time employees, 20 of whom receive a tax credit for the year for enrolling in a State Exchange offered plan.

RESULT:  For each employee receiving a tax credit, the employer owes $3,000, for a total penalty of $60,000 (20 times $3,000).   (Go to the Chamber’s study for the gory details about the “cap” on the fine.)

 

Small Business Confidence Is in the Sub-Basement

Obviously this issue is most burdensome to small business.  It’s one reason why the NFIB Small Business Confidence index is an abysmal 89 – lower than during the 1991 and 2001 recessions, even though we are four years into an economic expansion, corporate profits are strong, and the stock market is soaring.  The NFIB reports that healthcare costs are the Number One Problem facing small business.

Copyright 2013 Thomas Doerflinger.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Republicans Look Smart for a Change

Yesterday was a bad day for Democrats on the Sunday shows.  Like an unprepared college student taking an oral exam from Professor Christopher Wallace PhD, Nancy Pelosi haltingly rambled from one stale talking point to the next.  Dick Durbin trotted out the predictable list of awful budget cuts contemplated by dastardly Republicans.  Which wasn’t too persuasive because the sequester was Obama’s idea.  A 3% budget cut does not look draconian to Americans in the real world outside the Beltway; even the hyper-partisan David Gregory made fun of Durbin.  Democrats look greedy demanding yet another tax increase – the second in three months, as more than one Republican pointed out. To those outside Obama’s inner circle, “balance” means “Last time you got tax hikes, this time we get spending cuts.”

This is the pay-off from Republicans finally making some politically shrewd decisions.  They let Obama get his fabled “tax hike on the rich,” which was unavoidable and far smaller than it might have been. After a two-month victory dance following the November election, the media was looking forward to a “disastrous default on U.S. obligations” that could be blamed on benighted Tea Party Republicans.  Instead the Republicans postponed the debt ceiling issue and tacitly accepted Obama’s sequester, while forcing the Senate to pass a budget.

So now the media lacks compelling anti-Republican talking points. Obama gets much of the blame for lay-offs at military bases, kids missing Head Start, cuts in cancer research etc.  Obama can no longer pretend to be an innocent bystander to the “dysfunction in Washington.” Second, influential liberals in academia and the media will be slammed by the cuts; NPR has already run a couple of shows on “What the Sequester means to you.”  They will start to figure out that the relentless rise in entitlements is squeezing their top spending priorities.  Maybe entitlement reform is not so dumb after all.  Third, a protracted, multi-stage budget showdown between Congress and the White House stretching through the Spring – first the Sequester hitting on March 1, then the end of the continuing resolution on March 23, then Round Two of the debt ceiling showdown in June —  gives Obama less time to push other parts of his agenda such as raising energy prices and despoiling the American landscape with thousands of solar panels and windmills in a futile effort to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions, which are being driven by China and India, not the U.S..  (If Obama is really worried about greenhouse gasses, he should pressure California and New York to permit fracking.)

Obama has a few other problems.  The Benghazi bungle is not going away, with Lindsay Graham putting a “hold” on the nominations of Brennan and Hagel.  The Hagel nomination is another embarrassment; in Washington, it’s OK to be an empty suit, but it can’t be a clown suit.  New efforts at gun control have reenergized the Republican base while putting Red State Senators up for reelection next year in a difficult position.  Now that they are done helping Obama win reelection the media are starting to notice his haughty intransigence.

Both economically and politically, Obama’s smart move is to drop the tax hike fixation and move on to entitlement reform, which would improve the budget outlook and boost business confidence without imposing near-term “austerity” that slows economic growth now. But he is too ideological to do that; redistribution and bigger government is a higher priority  than economic growth.

Copyright Thomas Doerflinger 2013.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Clear Blue Skies over Beijing (in 2030) – Stock Market Plays

A wacky but wise Wall Street wag used to tell his clients, “After living standards in the third world improve, people will want to live longer.”  That is bullish for healthcare stocks but also, less obviously, for a broad range of industrial companies.  With the help of air quality readings transmitted from the American Embassy in Beijing, it has become apparent to China’s citizens and politicians that the city’s air quality is off-the-charts bad.

How bad is it?  Bad enough that airlines are cancelling flights into Beijing.  Bad enough that, according to The Wall Street Journal, “low visibility conditions in the eastern province of Zhejiang prevented locals from noticing that a furniture factory had been on fire for four hours.”  Bad enough that sales of air purifiers (which can cost a few thousand dollars) tripled in a couple of months.  And bad enough that China’s outgoing Premier Wen Jiabao proclaimed “We should take certain and effective measures to accelerate industrial restructuring, and push forward energy conservation and emissions reductions.”  China’s incoming premier has echoed those sentiments.

In China, what the Premier wants, the Premier gets – fast.  Local politicians will start to be graded on the level of pollution in their city.  So China will invest tens of billions of dollars rebuilding and upgrading its vast industrial infrastructure to reduce energy consumption, cut emissions, closely monitor pollution, etc. etc. There will probably be a shift from coal to natural gas and nuclear power. Vehicle emission standards will rise.  Dirty old power plants and factories will be shut down sooner than was previously planned.  Aside from letting its citizens lead longer and healthier lives, there is another reason why this investment makes sense for China.  Its economy is driven by capital investment, but building more steel and aluminum mills would simply create excess capacity in a sluggish global economy.  Pollution reduction is a politically popular investment that will sustain economic growth without creating gluts.

All of which is very positive for industrial companies in the U.S. and Europe with advanced technology that China will need to upgrade its infrastructure.  It is a bit difficult to find “leveraged plays” on the theme because most large industrial companies are diversified across a broad array of businesses and do not have a large share of revenue in China.  Nevertheless this theme is positive in one way or another for most of the large diversified industrial companies, and there are certain firms with significant exposure to China and other emerging markets.  Instrumentation companies also benefit.  On the Q4 earnings conference call a Thermo Fisher executive said “in applied markets, however, we’re still seeing pockets of strength, including high demand for our air quality and particulate monitors in China, as an example.”

Another implication has to do with “global warming.”  As we have noted before, China and other emerging nations such as India and Indonesia, not the U.S., are adding most of the new CO2 to earth’s atmosphere.  They are not about to make huge investments to cut CO2 emissions to “address climate change”  that might occur fifty years from now when they face the much more urgent problem of reducing high levels of particulates that endanger the health of their citizens right now.  Al Gore and Tom Friedman can dream on about a global push to cut CO2 emissions.  It ain’t going to happen.

Copyright 2013 Thomas Doerflinger.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

The Mourning After— Pondering O’Poverty

“Despite Mr. Obama’s stated commitment to helping all Americans, the recession and the lingering effects of the way it was handled have made matters much, much worse.  While bailout money poured into the banks in 2009, unemployment soared to 10 percent that October.  The rate today (7.8 percent) appears better partly because so many people have dropped out of the labor force, or never entered it, or accepted part-time jobs because there was no full-time job for them.”  (emphasis mine)

Shed a tear for progressive pundits.  They resemble the nerdy 25-year-old who finally loses his virginity and laments, “Is that it?  Is that all there is to it?  Is that what I get after all those years of cold showers?” Ever since 2001 progressives have been blaming Wall Street and the notorious “Bush tax cuts” for wage stagnation and rising inequality.  Now their hero has “spread the wealth” by vastly expanding domestic spending, enacting Obamacare, mummifying Wall Street in miles and miles of Dodd-Frank red tape, and raising taxes on the infamous 2%.

And the result is . . . . . a far worse economy for the poor and middle class than under George W. Bush.  Black unemployment is 14%.  For the second year in a row the poverty rate was 15% in 2011, versus a peak under George W. of 13.2%.  Median household income in 2011 was 6% below the average level under Bush.  Meanwhile the rich are doing fine, with the S&P 500 up 88% since the spring of 2009.  Inequality was higher in 2011 than any year under George W.  There is little reason to expect these metrics to improve quickly, not with the payroll tax cut ending and Obamacare taking effect.

So now progressives are turning on their hero.  Our opening quotation reads like it sprang from the keyboard of a clear-eyed right winger like Paul Ryan, Rand Paul or Jim DeMint, but it was actually written by Joe Stiglitz, who never saw a tax hike he didn’t like.  With the election over, the liberal media can shift from campaigning for Obama to “analysis,” so The New York Times has run several articles attempting to make sense of Obamanomics’ failures.  They miss a lot but stumble onto insights we have been discussing for the last eight months:

  • Steven Greenhouse avers that “income tax rates will rise for the wealthiest Americans, and certain tax loopholes might get closed this year.  But these developments…are unlikely to do much to alter one major factor contributing to income inequality: stagnant wages.”  He notes that “the stubbornly high jobless rate” is constraining labor income, without mentioning that a major cause is over-regulation. Liberals castigated George W. for wage stagnation while giving him no credit for robust job growth.  Now we have the worst of both worlds.
  • Annie Lowrey, writing on “The Low Politics of Low Growth,” dissects the conundrum identified by Harvard economist Ben Friedman, “We could be stuck in a perverse equilibrium in which our absence of growth is delivering political paralysis, and the political paralysis preserves the absence of growth.”  But in Lowrey’s telling the weak economy is a natural condition, unrelated to Obama’s policies.
  • Joe Stiglitz makes the case that “Inequality Is Holding Back the Recovery,” without explaining why it did not hold back economic growth from 1982 to 2007. Even fellow Marx Brother Paul Krugman took him to task for that. But Joe does implicitly admit that Obama’s policies have failed to achieve their avowed purpose of reducing inequality.
  • David Brooks posits a race between “meritocracy,” which increases inequality, and Obama’s “government” which supposedly reduces inequality via things like Obamacare.  But he admits that  A) these efforts have little effect on inequality; they’re “like shooting a water gun into a waterfall” and  B) it’s hard to see how inequality is reduced by concentrating political power and “resources” in Washington, which is dominated by rich Ivy Leaguers like Barack and Michelle.
  • Tom Friedman says Obama’s policy prescriptions are vacuous; he “won on a platform that had little to do with our core problems and is only a small part of the solution—raising taxes on the wealthy.”  Tom reminds Barack that in a globalized, digitized world “the mantra that if you ‘just work hard and play by the rules’ you should expect a middle class lifestyle is no longer operable.”

Friedman snidely observed that “if the Republican Party had a brain it would give up on its debt-ceiling gambit and announce instead that it wants to open negotiations immediately with President Obama on the basis of his own deficit commission, the Simpson Bowles Plan.”  That is pretty much what Republicans have done by postponing the debt ceiling.  It was a smart move. With Obama and the liberal media no longer able to position conservatives as “crazies” who want America to “default,” attention is focused on the ongoing failure of Obamanomics and the dearth of fresh ideas from the White House to raise the incomes of the poor and middle class.  In last Sunday’s morning shows Bob Woodward wondered whether Obama would finally come up with proposals to reform entitlements, which might improve business confidence and hiring.  The next step for Republicans, after extracting spending cuts from Washington, is to highlight how Obamacare is discouraging job creation by penalizing companies that create too many full-time jobs.

Copyright 2013 Thomas Doerflinger.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

The Wisdom of Felix

The first installment of this year’s Barron’s Roundtable was weirdly muddled, with a lengthy back-and-forth about 2013 S&P 500 EPS that never ever mentioned a specific EPS estimate.  When asked directly, “What is your S&P 500 earnings estimate for 2013?” Abby Cohen did everything but answer the question, first noting that consensus estimates are for 12-13% growth and later revealing that Goldman’s top-down number (but, apparently, not hers) is growth in the “mid- to high single digits.” T. Rowe’s Brian Rogers expects growth of “5%, 6%, 7% for the year” —  but off of what 2012 base he did not say.

We learned once again that Bill Gross dislikes equities but knows little about them.  He claimed that “Wages as a percentage of GDP have declined to 54% from 59% in the past 10 years.  That trend would have to continue for earnings to keep going up.”  Actually they don’t need that trend to “keep going up” because A) nominal GDP will keep rising, B) big companies are gaining share – think about Amazon and that nice local book store that shut down five years ago, C) over a third of S&P profits are overseas, with an increasing share in emerging markets, D) companies can use free cash flow to grow EPS via acquisitions and share buy-backs.  Gross is making the common error of assuming that corporate profits in the GDP accounts and S&P profits are more or less the same.  They aren’t.

Piercing this gloomy thicket of disinformation was Felix Zulauf’s bright beam of unconventional wisdom. The Swiss fund manager asserted, “Europe’s high priests of economic policy have put preservation of the euro above everything else.  By doing that, they have destroyed millions of jobs and consigned millions of people to poverty.  At some point this will backfire.  You can’t glue the European Union together forever with central bank money.”  And Felix made these related points:

  • The notion that improving trade balance in some beleaguered European countries is a harbinger of prosperity is misguided, because it is driven by imploding imports rather than strong exports.  Unlike Asian countries in 1998-99, Europe’s “peripheral nations” cannot boost exports via currency devaluation.
  • The French economy is not competitive and is moving in the wrong policy direction (toward more socialism), so its performance in 2013 will disappoint.  We have been making that point for seven months.
  • In theory Europe could solve its problems through greater political and fiscal consolidation, but what is more likely is that some countries will abandon the Euro.
  • I would add  that Europe’s supposedly green energy policies (which cut CO2 emission less than in the U.S.) hurt competitiveness.  Germany chemical companies are alarmed by Dow Chemical’s low energy and feedstock costs; the solution is  to build the next plant in Texas.

I agree with Felix. Currency arrangements are supposed to meet the needs of an economy – not the other way around.  The Euro’s raison d’etre is political not economic.  The Euro-zone is a non-democratic entity governed by unelected policy elites, and while the ECB can temporarily calm the bond markets with a flood of liquidity it cannot cut a 12% unemployment rate kept high by fiscal austerity, bank deleveraging over-regulation, and a dysfunctional currency regime.  The menu peuple will strike back at the voting booth, probably beginning in Italy this year.

Because liquidity has brought complacency, problems in Europe are my top candidate to interrupt the current bull run in U.S. equities. But Q4 profits are not too bad and the fiscal cliff has been less of a problem  than I thought, so the “valuation levitation” will continue.  Stocks need to get quite a bit more expensive before they look safe to the investment committees that run large pension and endowment funds.

Copyright Thomas Doerflinger 2013.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Valuation Levitation?

For the past four years I have been asking: “Why do so many investors want to own a bond that pays 2% when they could own a basket of blue-chip stocks with a dividend yield of over 3% AND the dividend stream is growing 10% per year AND dividends are taxed at a lower rate than interest income?”  Two answers:

  • They preferred bonds because they were just plain scared by (take your pick), the U.S. financial crisis, the European financial crisis, the slowdown in China, worldwide deflation, Barack Obama, fiscal cliffs.
  • Bond yields were falling and prices rising, so they could make good money in bonds even though there were overvalued.

Back to the Future?

Now the psychology is starting to change, because macro-disasters have not materialized and bond yields are rising. The market senses that, with rates so low and dividends set to keep growing, investors could decide that stocks deserve a materially higher valuation despite slow economic growth, recession in Europe, Barack Obama in the White House, etc.

That’s what occurred in the mid-1980s.  The bull market started in August 1982, with stocks soaring 50% from June 1982 to June 1983.  But then the Fed started to tighten and investors worried economic growth would reignite inflation.  So stocks were flat for eighteen months, until the end of 1984.  At that point the economy slowed, inflation stayed low, and investors concluded we were not returning to the bad old days of double-digit CPI’s and single-digit PEs.  Over the next two years stocks rose 45% even though profits were terrible, declining 5% in 1985 and rising just 1% in 1986.  The S&P 500 trailing PE on pro forma EPS rose from 9.8x at year-end 1984 to 14.8x at year-end 1986. (Admittedly the PE was boosted by abnormally weak profits in 1986, when oil prices and oil company profits collapsed.)

S&P 1864?  I’ll Take It

We don’t need a huge five point rise in PE’s to get some pretty nifty gains in stock prices.  Suppose profits are $107 this year and rise just 6% in 2014 to $113.  Stocks now trade at a trailing PE of 14.4x, based on 2012 EPS of $103.  If by year-end 2014 the trailing PE is 16.5x, the price would be 1864 (16.5 x 113), 26% above today’s price.  A PE of 16.5x is not at all implausible if investor confidence in equities improves and bonds no longer look to be a one-way bet; the average PE in 2005 and 2006, when interest rates were much higher than now, was 16.3x.

The Dividend Driver

With investors thirsting for yield, a key driver of this PE expansion would be rapid dividend growth as profits grow slowly but the dividend payout ratio rises toward 35%, which would still be far below the payout ratios in Europe today or in the U.S. in the past.  (The 1985-94 average was 48%.)  Last year dividends were $31.24, or 31.2% of profits of $103.  At a current price of $1480 stocks yield 2.1% on that $31.24 DPS.  If profits are $113 in 2014 and the payout ratio rises to 34%, dividends would be $38.42.  If the yield on the market remained at today’s 2.1%, the price of the S&P 500 would be 38.42 / .021 = 1830, 24% above where we are now.

Risks

This scenario is hypothetical and unscientific, but perfectly plausible.  Just as investors became less fearful of inflation in 1985 and 1986, they may become less fearful of deflation now, driving PE ratios higher despite mediocre near-term profit growth.  Even modest PE growth combined with modest profit growth can produce impressive stock price increases.

Probably the biggest risk to this scenario is renewed crisis in Europe; financial, political, and media elites cannot paper over the dire condition of the real economy forever.  Eventually unemployed workers in Spain, Italy and France may bite back. Perversely, Draghi’s accommodative stance has taken pressure off governments to make structural reforms.  Another non-trivial risk is that Obama’s reckless fiscal policy overwhelms Bernanke’s bond-buying spree, undermining confidence in U.S. debt.

Copyright 2013 Thomas Doerflinger.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

The Anti-Poverty Party

HollandeDazed

Last July we wrote a squib titled “Seven New Reasons Not to Create Jobs in France” that ticked off seven tax hikes passed by Socialist Prime Minister Francois Holland and then offered:

Our Prediction: The tax hikes will not generate the expected revenue because job creators will decamp to more capitalistic climes (Switzerland, the UK, the US and Canada).  Economic growth in France will be even slower than expected and the budget deficit larger.  Most of these tax hikes reduce the return on investment, so fewer investments will be made in France and fewer jobs will be created.”

It has all come to pass, leaving HollandeDazed and confused.  The courts have thrown out some of his tax hikes.  Incensed entrepreneurs have manned the barricades.  Economic growth is near zero.  The government’s popularity has plummeted.  “The chief political threat facing the government,” avers The Financial Times, “is unemployment, which has risen abruptly to more than 10 percent of the workforce.”  One thing we did get wrong is that, to protect his take-home pay, the truly immense French cinematic talent Gerard Depardieu did not decamp to Switzerland, the UK, the US or Canada, but rather to Russia, which has a low marginal tax rate.

O-Poverty

Unfortunately socialism does not work better in the U.S. than in France.  Four years of “spreading the wealth” have made America’s poor poorer, along with just about everyone else except federal bureaucrats and the lawyers who fight them:

  • In 2011, for the second year in a row, the poverty rate was 15.0% versus an average of 12.5% during the eight years’ of G.W. Bush’s administration (which included two recessions, one starting under Bill Clinton).
  • In 2011 median household income was $50,054, 6% below the G.W. Bush average of $53,325.  The last time we were below the current level was 1995.
  • The unemployment rate is 11.7% for those without a high school diploma versus 3.9% for those with a college diploma.
  • The unemployment rate is 14% for blacks, 9.6% for Hispanics, and 6.9% for Whites.  Blacks’ unemployment rate is elevated even though their participation rate is low at 61.2%, versus 63.9% for whites and 65.9% for Hispanics.  As we noted last August 28,  these metrics have deteriorated more for Blacks than Whites since Obama became President.

The Anti-Poverty Party

These lamentable trends are not about to improve measurably.  A two percentage point hike in the payroll tax in 2013 will cut take-home pay.  Tax hikes on entrepreneurs, imminent Federal spending cuts, and implementation of Obamacare, Dodd Frank, and other regulations will inhibit job creation. So next September, when the Census Bureau publishes its annual study of poverty and household income, we will likely learn that the 2012 poverty rate was 15% for the third year in a row, even though we are supposedly in an economic recovery.  Between 1966 and 2009 the poverty rate was that high in only three years, 1982, 1983, and 1993—all recession or post-recession years.

Against this dismal economic backdrop, how should the Republican Party position itself?  In a nutshell, as the anti-poverty, pro-prosperity party.  That is a two-step process:

  • First, tirelessly remind the public that Obamanomics has failed.   Go beyond abstract bromides like “Where are the jobs?” and “We need faster growth” to specific statistics such as the aforementioned – 14% black unemployment, 9.6% Hispanic unemployment, 15% poverty rate, declining household income.  These numbers should be tirelessly (and tiresomely) repeated on every Sunday morning show.  Note that Democrats want to “double down” on their failed policies with even more tax hikes on job creators, and contrast rising national poverty with DC prosperity – 5 of the 10 richest counties in the U.S. are near Washington.
  • Second, position Republicans as the party of growth, job creation, and opportunity for all.  In their different ways, Senators Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz have done a great job here, with Cruz coining the phrase “Opportunity conservatism.” But they need to put more “meat on the bones” with three (not 57) specific proposals:  A) develop our energy resources, creating high-paid blue-collar jobs in the U.S.,  B) corporate tax reform that brings back to the U.S. over $1 trillion in corporate cash stranded overseas,  C)  repair Obamacare which is creating an army of part-time workers, and which will hit millions of workers with an “individual mandate” tax starting next year.

Make Republicans the anti-poverty Party in favor of growth and prosperity – not just the austerity party that wants to cut Federal spending, though that is important too.

Copyright Thomas Doerflinger 2013.  All Rights Reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

The Election Cycle Lives

Equity investors should remember the strong tendancy for the first two years of a presidential term to be weak, the third year to be very strong, and the final or election year to be fairly strong.  Politicians postpone the “bitter medicine” until after the election, depressing GDP and stock prices in Years One and Two of the presidential term.  That paradigm is very relevant now.  Even though we are limping along with 1% GDP growth, an ISM Manufacturing of around 50, Europe in recession, and underwhelming growth in BRIC countries, the U.S. economy in 2013 will face:

  • Payroll tax rate hike of 200 bps, hitting the take-home pay of all wage earners.
  • 0.9% hike in the Medicare payroll tax on high earners (over $250K for a household), to fund Obamacare
  • 3.8% hike in the tax on capital gains and dividends of high earners, also to fund Obamacare.
  • Rise in marginal income tax rate of high earners (over $450K for household) from 35% to 39.6%.
  • Rise in the income tax on dividends and capital gains from 15% to 20% for high earners
  • The sequestration spending cuts are slated to happen on March 1.  House Republicans are adamant that they will occur, and the debt ceiling gives them leverage.
  • Small business’ preparation for Obamacare, which hits with full force in 2014, will continue to impede hiring.

This is a big dose of austerity for a weak economy, and the Fed can’t help because it is out of ammunition.  Admittedly the Fiscal Cliff deal eliminates uncertainty regarding tax rates.  The stock market was right to rally big today; it dodged a big bullet because tax rates and dividends and capital gains remain at equal, and fairly reasonable, levels.  But tax hikes, spending cuts, and continued fiscal rancor in Washington – which Obama foolishly exacerbated on New Years Eve by gratuitously taunting Congressional Republicans– will keep growth anemic.

Complacency has increased, with strategists in the Barron’s survey more bullish on the year ahead in December 2012 than they were a year earlier–even though the PE is higher and earnings momentum is lower.  Analysts forecast $113 in 2013 S&P 500 EPS while strategists are at $108 (versus ~$103 in 2012).  While $108 looks reasonable, the probability of surprisingly strong earnings (as we had in the first half of 2012) is low.  At 1460, the S&P 500 is trading at 13.5 x 2013E EPS.  By year-end 2013 the trailing PE could well be 14.5x – 15x (compared with an average of 16.2x, 2005-H1 2007), implying a 9% price rise this year to 1600 —not bad in a low-single-digit world.  However, administering to a weak economy a toxic policy mix of anti-growth regulation, spending cuts, and tax hikes focused on the most productive workers means we may well get recession scares over the course of this year, leading  to significant stock market volatility.

Copyright Thomas Doerfligner 2013.  All rights reserved.

Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , | Leave a comment